Kukiland

To
The Editors
India Today NE, Northeast Publish, Northeast Now, Ukhrul Times, Northeast Live, The Times of India, The Hindu

Subject: Request for strict verification of Manipur-related reporting

Respected Editors,

I am writing regarding the coverage of the ongoing situation in Manipur. A significant volume of news and articles attributed to sources from Manipur Naga and Meitei communities is circulating. From ground-level experience, much of this material contains unverified claims, exaggerations, and propaganda. When republished without independent corroboration, it leads to widespread misunderstanding of the reality in Manipur.

I specifically request extra scrutiny of statements and press releases issued in the name of the Thadou Students’ Association (TSA), Thadou Inpi Manipur, and Thadou Human Rights Advocacy (THRA). These self-styled organisations are run by Michael Lamjathang Haokip and James Haokip, who were disowned by their community, and supported by the so-called former Manipur CM Mr. N. Biren Singh. Statements circulated under these association names have been against one community, which is against the law of news, but are contested on the ground.

I urge your newsrooms to verify the legal registration, current office bearers, and actual mandate of any such association before publishing its claims as representative views.

I request your publications to:

1. Verify before publishing: Do not carry reports, statements, or articles on Manipur unless the facts are independently confirmed through multiple, credible sources.
2. Distinguish personal views from official positions: Please ensure that statements issued by individuals or associations are clearly attributed, and confirm whether they represent a recognized community body or a personal viewpoint.
3. Follow constitutional and legal standards for media: Uphold the principles laid down under Indian law, including the Press Council of India’s Norms of Journalistic Conduct, and Section 19(1)(a) with reasonable restrictions under 19(2) of the Constitution. Accuracy, fairness, and the right to reply are essential.

Responsible reporting is critical right now. Unverified publication directly impacts public order and community relations. I urge all your newsrooms to set a higher bar for evidence before any Manipur-related content is released.

Sincerely,
Ms. Kimneihoi Haokip

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Kuki Women Launch Indefinite Sit-In at Wall of Remembrance, Demand Release of 14 Hostages and Justice for Slain Pastors

Songpi, June 4, 2026
Hundreds of Kuki women from across Churachandpur district converged at the Wall of Remembrance in Tuibong on Wednesday, launching an indefinite sit-in demonstration to press for the release of 14 Kuki hostages and the arrest of those behind the killing of three Kuki pastors. The protest, spearheaded by the Indigenous Tribal Leaders' Forum (ITLF) Women’s Wing, saw participants from multiple localities assemble with placards, banners, and messages demanding immediate government action. Organizers said the gathering was a collective response to what they described as prolonged silence and inaction over crimes targeting the Kuki community.

The sit-in, which began on Tuesday and intensified on Wednesday, is being staged as a round-the-clock vigil. Protesters have vowed not to withdraw until their core demands are met: the unconditional release of all 14 Kuki individuals currently held hostage, and the swift identification and arrest of those responsible for the murder of the three pastors. Women at the venue expressed deep anguish over the killings and the hostage situation, stating that the incidents have compounded the trauma faced by the community amid ongoing instability in the region. The Wall of Remembrance, a site symbolizing collective mourning and resistance, was chosen to underscore the gravity of their demands.

ITLF Women’s Wing leaders addressing the gathering alleged a pattern of targeted violence against the Kuki people and criticized authorities for what they termed as delayed justice. They argued that accountability in the pastors’ killing and the safe return of the hostages are non-negotiable prerequisites for restoring faith in law and order. The protesters emphasized that their agitation would remain peaceful but firm, with plans to continue the sit-in daily until concrete action is visible on the ground. Community volunteers are coordinating logistics, food, and medical support to sustain the demonstration.

As of Wednesday evening, no official response had been issued by state authorities regarding the demands raised at the sit-in. The protest adds to a series of civic actions by Kuki groups in recent weeks seeking redress for security concerns and alleged rights violations. With placards reading calls for justice and hostage release, the women at Tuibong have signaled that the demonstration will expand if their appeals remain unheard. The situation is being closely monitored by local administration and civil society observers.

Edited by Kukiland Media

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Modi Hosts Myanmar Junta Chief in New Delhi as Critics Slam ‘Legitimacy’ to Military Rule

New Delhi!: June 3, 2026
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi held high-level talks with Myanmar’s military ruler Min Aung Hlaing at Hyderabad House in New Delhi on June 1, 2026, drawing sharp criticism from opposition groups and rights advocates. The meeting marks Min Aung Hlaing’s first official visit to India since being sworn in as president in April, following a controversial election widely condemned as a move to entrench military control. His last trip to the country was in 2019, when he served as Myanmar’s army chief. The junta leader arrived in India on Saturday, beginning his five-day state visit with a stop in Bihar at Bodh Gaya, the revered Buddhist site where Gautama Buddha is believed to have attained enlightenment.

Addressing reporters after the closed-door meeting, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri defended New Delhi’s continued engagement with Naypyidaw, stating that India’s policy “is not intended to be a commentary on the internal political arrangements” in Myanmar. Misri stressed that sustained dialogue remains India’s preferred approach, arguing that “history has shown that disengagement doesn’t give us any results that are better than engagement.” He added that isolating Myanmar would be counterproductive to regional stability and India’s own strategic interests, particularly along the 1,643-kilometre shared border and maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal.

The visit has triggered backlash from Myanmar’s National Unity Government, the shadow administration formed by lawmakers ousted in the 2021 coup. NUG Foreign Minister Zin Mar Aung sent a formal letter to India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar on May 28, expressing “deep concern” over the trip. “Since the military coup of 2021, which overturned the democratic will of the people, Myanmar has endured prolonged conflict, instability, and immense humanitarian suffering,” she wrote. The NUG urged New Delhi to “weigh carefully the broader implications of formal engagement that may normalise or legitimise military rule in Myanmar,” warning that such meetings risk undermining India’s own democratic credentials in the region.

Western nations have largely sought to isolate Myanmar’s generals since the February 2021 coup, which saw the detention of civilian leaders including Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and plunged the country into a brutal civil war. Resistance groups, known as the People’s Defence Force, have since captured large territories while operating under ethnic armed organizations that provide training and weapons. Despite international sanctions, Min Aung Hlaing has attempted to bolster diplomatic ties, positioning himself as president after an April swearing-in that critics say was orchestrated to present a veneer of civilian governance.

According to Misri, Modi and Min Aung Hlaing discussed a wide range of issues including trade, defence and security cooperation, border management, and regional connectivity. Both sides agreed to accelerate major infrastructure projects and deepen collaboration in energy, critical minerals, and technology. Bilateral trade between the two nations stood at $1.95bn in 2025-2026. The two leaders also addressed cybercrime and human trafficking, with Misri noting that India and Myanmar have jointly rescued more than 2,400 Indian nationals from scam centres in the region over the past 18 months. Min Aung Hlaing is scheduled to meet business representatives in Mumbai later this week.

Security cooperation remains a cornerstone of India-Myanmar relations. The two countries have a history of intelligence sharing and coordinated operations against insurgent groups operating along their porous border. New Delhi views stability in Myanmar as critical to securing its northeastern states and advancing its Act East policy. However, human rights organizations argue that engagement without pressure for democratic reforms enables the junta’s continued repression. Since the coup, thousands have been killed and Aung San Suu Kyi remains detained, though Myanmar’s military pardoned over 4,000 prisoners in April, including deposed President Win Myint, and reduced Suu Kyi’s jail sentence.

Unlike most bilateral visits to New Delhi, Modi and Min Aung Hlaing did not hold a joint press conference or issue a public statement following their talks. The absence of media access has fueled further criticism that the meeting was designed to avoid scrutiny. Photographs released by Indian and international agencies showed the two leaders shaking hands before their discussions at Hyderabad House. For India, balancing strategic interests with democratic values remains a diplomatic tightrope. As Misri put it, “We have always proceeded on the principle that sustained dialogue is what is important.”

The visit underscores a deepening divergence between India’s approach and that of Western powers toward Myanmar’s military government. While the United States and European Union maintain sanctions and call for the restoration of civilian rule, New Delhi has opted for pragmatic engagement, citing border security and regional influence. With resistance forces continuing to challenge the junta’s control and humanitarian conditions deteriorating, the long-term impact of India’s policy remains uncertain. For now, Min Aung Hlaing’s red-carpet reception in New Delhi signals that the military regime is finding avenues to break its international isolation, one strategic partnership at a time.

Edited by Kukiland Media

Kuki People: Indigenous Hill Landowners of Manipur with Full Authority to Identify their Ancestral Land as “Kukiland”

The indigenous status of the Kuki people over the hill tracts of Manipur is firmly established through a wide spectrum of historical, ethnographic, linguistic, cartographic, colonial, and demographic records. This evidentiary framework confirms their ancestral continuity and territorial sovereignty, thereby giving them full authority to identify their homeland as “Kukiland.”

1. Ancient Historical References

The Tripura Rajmala, the royal chronicle of Tripura, records the presence of eastern hill tribes like the Kukis in the pre-Christian era, acknowledging them as independent highland dwellers.

Tripura copper plate inscriptions (641 CE & 1194 CE) confirm Kuki presence in Manipur.

2. Medieval Chronicles & Manipuri Royal Records

Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India (Chapter 39, “Koki Country”) references Kukis as a recognized frontier people since the early Buddhist period.

The Cheitharol Kumbaba (Court Chronicle of Manipur Kings, dating back to 264 AD) and Meitei Pooyas record Kukis as early allies and rivals of Meitei rulers.

Kuki chiefs, Ahongba and Achouba, were allies of Nongdam Lauren Pakhangba in 33 AD, whose mother herself was a Kuki woman.

These records establish that Kukis predated the advent of Naga tribes into southern Manipur.

3. Colonial Ethnography & Administrative Records

G.A. Grierson’s Linguistic Survey of India (1904) identifies Kukis as older Tibeto-Burman settlers in Manipur hills, with territorial reach stretching from Nagaland in the north to the Bay of Bengal in the west, and into Burma in the east and south.

Indian Historical Records Commission (1926, p.17) describes Manipur (Meckley) as surrounded on all sides by “Kuki Mountains,” reaffirming territorial primacy.

William Shaw’s The Thadou Kukis (1929) documents the hereditary chieftainship and clan-based landownership system of Kukis — unlike the later-settling Kacha-Nagas.

Colonial maps and British archives (1907 Kuki Hills Map, Assam State Archives) officially designated areas like Chassad, Mombi, Jampi, and Haokip territory as Kuki domains.

The Kuki Rebellion Records (1917–1919) in Assam State Archives confirm organized resistance to British intrusion, underscoring their sovereign land rights.

4. The Anglo-Kuki War (1917–1919)

The Kukis launched a full-fledged anti-colonial struggle against forced British recruitment and intrusion.

Over 126 villages were burned, yet the Kukis resisted with unity and defended their ancestral lands.

This rebellion firmly positions them within India’s broader freedom struggle.

5. Kuki Freedom Fighters under INA

During the 1940s, Kukis fought under Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s INA for India’s independence.

Out of 188 officially recognized freedom fighters of Manipur, 162 were Kukis, demonstrating overwhelming participation.

Their enshrinement in the INA Memorial Complex is official acknowledgment of their patriotism and territorial belonging.

6. Census Evidence of Indigenous Continuity

The 1881 Census recorded 25,384 Kukis in Manipur.

Their population grew steadily: 100,748 by 1951, and approx. 800,000 projected by 2025, without anomalies suggestive of foreign migration.

This continuous demographic presence disproves false narratives of recent immigration.

7. Contrast with Kacha Naga Settlers

Historical, cartographic, and ethnographic records do not support indigenous status of the Kacha Nagas in Manipur’s southern hills.

Their presence is largely post-19th century, without hereditary clan-based territorial claims.

British records and Grierson classify them as recent migrants, unlike the autochthonous Kukis.

Conclusion

Taken together, these historical, ethnographic, and archival references provide conclusive proof that:

The Kuki people are the indigenous, autochthonous landowners of the hill areas of Manipur.

They possess full traditional and historical authority to identify their ancestral homeland as “Kukiland.”

Competing claims by recent migrant groups lack comparable historical depth, territorial continuity, or recognition in authoritative records.

Therefore, the recognition of “Kukiland” as the ancestral homeland of the Kuki people is not only historically justified but constitutionally mandated under India’s protective framework for Scheduled Tribes.

~Lenin Haokip
(Kuki Inpi Manipur)

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