The BoldWalk Magazine

Let us revisit 2019 and set the record straight.

Many people commenting on the 2019 presidential election today were not part of the grassroots struggle that built the ATIKULATION movement across Nigeria. Some of us were there from the beginning. We invested our time, personal resources, professional networks, and political credibility into what became one of the largest volunteer-driven political mobilizations in modern Nigerian history.

Under the ATIKULATION movement, over 2,000 support groups emerged nationwide. I personally founded the Atiku Youth Organization (AYO). We traveled to Abuja countless times for meetings and mobilization. We used our personal money to print flyers, banners, T-shirts, stickers, membership certificates, and identity cards. We created structures from the ground up — national coordinators, state coordinators, local mobilizers, media teams, and youth networks.

Nobody paid us.

We supported Atiku Abubakar because we believed he represented a viable alternative for Nigeria.

At the height of the movement, the Coalition of Atiku Support Groups attempted to coordinate hundreds of organizations nationwide. Yet even within that structure, frustration was already growing. More than 469 support groups publicly complained about neglect, marginalization, and lack of logistics support from the campaign headquarters.

Leaders of various groups openly stated that they personally funded transportation, rallies, campaign materials, mobilization activities, media engagements, and grassroots operations with little or no recognition from the campaign itself.

What many people do not know is that the movement was bigger than social media narratives. Different specialized structures existed across Nigeria and in the diaspora. There was the Atiku Leadership Development Initiative (ALDI), Women and Youth Support for Atiku (WAYS), youth coalitions, professional networks, and diaspora mobilization groups operating from the United Kingdom, Spain, Turkey, and other countries. Most of these organizations were self-funded and driven by belief, not financial reward.

The expectation among many volunteers was simple: if victory came, these grassroots structures would eventually become part of a broader political movement and governance framework.

But immediately Atiku secured the PDP presidential ticket, the atmosphere changed.

The PDP leadership reportedly insisted that support groups must formally register as card-carrying members of the party. Many groups were asked to pay registration or administrative fees — in several instances about ₦5,000. For many volunteers, this was deeply disappointing because the independent support structures had already built momentum for the campaign long before sections of the party machinery fully embraced it.

Many of us felt:
“We built the movement before the party embraced us.”

Despite the sacrifices and nationwide structures built by ordinary supporters, Atiku never truly integrated the support groups into the campaign architecture. Not once did he organize a meaningful national town hall meeting with the grassroots organizations defending him daily across Nigeria.

As a media person, I interacted with many of these groups directly. Most were not asking for money. They wanted recognition, communication, inclusion, and reassurance that their sacrifices mattered.

Lagos State alone reportedly had close to 1,000 support groups. The various organizations later formed a coalition with a secretariat in Fadeyi under the leadership of Mr. Mark Iheanyi of the Atiku Leadership Forum (ALF). We worked closely with prominent political figures at the time, including Chief Adeseye Ogunlewe and Jimi Agbaje during the Lagos governorship campaign period. Strategy discussions and mobilization meetings regularly took place around the Obanikoro campaign office corridor.

The commitment of young people was extraordinary.

Whenever Atiku visited Lagos, supporters spent their own money printing banners and posters to welcome him at the airport. Convoys followed him to Eko Hotel and campaign events across Victoria Island. People waited for hours simply hoping for engagement, encouragement, or acknowledgment from the man they defended passionately both online and offline.

Yet many times, he would arrive, wave briefly, say he had another engagement or prayers to attend, and leave without meaningful interaction with the people carrying his movement on the streets.

Still, nobody openly complained then because many genuinely believed in him.

Internal frustration eventually became public. Around late 2018, the Coalition of Atikulate Leaders Forum became prominent after disputes within the movement. Reports emerged that about 145 support groups temporarily defected to the APC due to feelings of neglect, exclusion, and lack of recognition from the campaign structure.

Although many of those groups later returned after negotiations and reassurances from campaign officials, the damage had already been done. The disconnect between the campaign leadership and the grassroots movement had become obvious.

Then came the final shock.

Days before the election, Atiku publicly distanced himself from several support groups, describing some of them as “faceless organizations.” For many volunteers, that moment was heartbreaking. The same grassroots structures that defended him across Nigeria suddenly became viewed as distractions rather than partners.

That experience changed the perception of many loyal supporters forever.

My group and I did not collect one kobo from Atiku Abubakar. To the best of my knowledge, most support groups received little or nothing from the campaign. The issue was never primarily about money. It was about leadership, empathy, political inclusion, and respect for grassroots sacrifice.

Many youths gave everything they had emotionally, financially, and politically because they believed they were building a genuine movement for national change.

In the end, many felt abandoned.

That is why some of us say today that Atiku had a historic opportunity in 2019 to build one of the strongest people-driven political coalitions Nigeria had ever seen. The structures existed. The energy existed. The nationwide volunteer network existed.

Unfortunately, that opportunity was lost.

The Power of Relevance Without Office
I give thanks to God Almighty for the enduring influence and political relevance of Peter Obi. It is both remarkable and revealing that nearly every comment, argument, debate, propaganda, speculation, assumption, and even deliberate falsehood in today’s political space continues to revolve around a man who holds no political office, has no party ticket, and carries no formal endorsement.
Yet, despite the absence of institutional power, he remains the focal point of national discourse. Conversations in political circles, media spaces, and even behind closed doors are consistently directed at him. This is not accidental—it is a testament to the weight of his ideas, his character, and the impact he has made on the national consciousness.
More striking is the fact that individuals who may never attain his level of discipline, influence, credibility, or intellectual standing still find themselves compelled to speak about him—often critically, sometimes dismissively. But even in criticism, they amplify his relevance.
This moment calls for reflection. It demands that we ask deeper questions about leadership, influence, and the true sources of political power. At the same time, it is worthy of celebration and gratitude to God Almighty. To command such attention without the machinery of office is not ordinary—it is significant, and it underscores a rare kind of political strength that transcends position and privilege.

DR ABEL DAMINA, it is your word Against you. Only YOU know which spirit is controlling what you say and do.

It's very unfortunate that at a point in our live we find ourselves uncontrollably and might not be able to explain what is responsible for what we do, though we might claim we know what we are doing but, we cannot sincerely articulate the end result.

We are busy, yes, but busy doing what, we cannot explain. One of the must difficult question nobody have been able to answer, especially when it comes to religious beliefs and practices is who takes responsibility for what we say or do. For some Christian's, Jesus Christ, "the Lord" check very well, there is no proof that Jesus Christ can take responsibility for their actions. The truth is that there is no sign that they have any evidence that Jesus Christ can take responsibility.

But let's look sincerely to all the argument, questions, and "Teaching" which Abel Damina has been sharing online and offline too, concerning Christianity, Bible, God and right worship.

There are questions I have asked myself:
1. How old is the Bible?
2. Who wrote the Bible?
3. In what language was the Bible written?
4. Which language is it being used now?
5. Who translated the Bible?
6. Who and who is the Bible meant for?
7. Is our generation the first to read the Bible?
8. Do our generation have any contribution to the writing of the Bible?
9. Can our generation stop the reading of the Bible?
10. Can the argument and interpretation or misinterpretation by our generation invalidate the Bible?
11. Will our reinterpretation and doubts regarding, meaning, events, structure and documentation in the Bible invalidate the Bible.
12. Is the Bible the word of God?

There are more questions but I will stop here, but I will like Dr Abel Damina to help prefer some answers some of the questions. I wish while he attempt my question, make reference to some visible works of God in our time, dating back to the Bible time